I am fighting to make socialism a
reality.
In my eyes that is the only way to live.
Dany
Cohn-Bendit, 1968
It is common these days to ignore the libertarian character of the May revolt in Paris in 1968. Marxist 'theoreticians' are eager to prove that the missing ingredient was a. "correct" revolutionary leadership (by which they mean themselves) even though ALL the various brands of Maoists, Trots, Leninists, and communists were caught with their dialectic down, and, after being FORCED by the workers to chase after the struggle, were completely impotent.
The events in Paris during May 1968 provided a graphic demonstration of a revolutionary crisis in modern times, and more importantly, in a so called "affluent society" .They show that a revolutionary situation doesn't ALWAYS derive from purely ECONOMIC imbalance. The struggle had nothing to do with an economic crisis in capitalism. Its driving force was the alienation and meaninglessness of life within bureaucratic capitalism, NOT any slump in the standard of living.
The French workers were primarily concerned with winning control of their factories. The central conflict was between the order-givers and the order-takers. It lay bare the real contradiction of capitalism — the fact that it excludes people from CONTROL of their own lives, yet at the came time is forced to win their PARTICIPATION, without which the chain of command and obey would snap and the whole rotten hierarchy would collapse. (Witness the attempts of the present Labour Government in this country to substitute "workers' Participation" for direct workers' control)
The tremendous response which the revolt of the students and workers evoked among ordinary Parisians only came when it went BEYOND simple economic demands. And it was only later, when the Communist Party and the trade union bureaucrats succeeded in diverting the struggle back into demands for higher wages, that the movement was halted and the capitalist regime saved.
The May revolt went beyond the confines of any one social group. Virtually every section of French society (excluding the ruling class) was involved to some extent or other. Thousands of ordinary people began to (question for the first time in their lives the whole principle of hierarchy; and in fighting for the destruction of the problems which faced them as individuals (family, school, work) they fought for the destruction of all that faced them collectively. For the first time they proclaimed the need for a total transformation of the society in which they lived and affirmed the need for self management ("autogestion") of their own lives.
Faced with such a direct threat to its authority the state was compelled to reveal its oppressive nature and fundamental incoherence; and at the same time the emptiness of government, Parliament, administration and political parties was exposed for all to see. The bureaucratic leaderships of the "working class organisations" were forced to reveal their true nature as custodians of the established order. The various "official" harbingers of freedom amongst the package-deal left, still playing their worn gramophone records and clutching onto the same old cliches for organisation, proved totally irrelevant to the situation. The workers, who these "vanguards" considered incapable of achieving anything but "trade union consciousness", achieved more in the first two weeks on the streets than the Marxist leaders had done for sixty years. As in every preceding revolution, the Marxists began by discouraging the revolt as inopportune, and then, forced by events, grudgingly gave their blessing to accomplished fact.
People learnt by direct experience what others had taken a lifetime of book learning to discover. The workers LIVED the revolution without bothering what dialectical phrase should be fitted to which action. Suddenly conscious of their ability to achieve something on their own, people who until then thought themselves isolated, dominated by the institutions of the state, realised that they were not powerless. Incomprehension and apathy changed almost overnight to conscious determination to bring about real change. Meetings of 5,000 people, workers as well as students, were common in the Sorbonne where previously a meeting of fifty would have been impossible to control. Nine million striking workers for the first time began to question their role in society. Had the workers of the armaments factories not only occupied their places of work but continued production and armed the workers, had the transport workers taken arms into the other cities of France and organised local militias, victory would have been assured. The state would have been confronted by an armed people controlling the economic means of production and transport. It is unlikely that the largely conscript army would have fired on the workers. Instead mass desertions would have bolstered the actions of the workers and students. The revolution would have become a reality.
As it was the workers, unused to such a situation, hesitated and the unions and communists stepped in with promises of pie in the sky in exchange for moderation — the struggle was diverted. Diverted but not destroyed. The experience of the French workers can never be erased. It is often necessary to learn from mistakes. The ideas which, before May, the anarchists had been attacked for as "utopian" found a common voice in the workers, who accepted the libertarian ideas of self-management and direct action as normal and natural. This DESPITE the efforts of the communists and union leaderships!
Only by daring, by trying again and again, and learning from the mistakes made along the way will people ever advance. The workers and students of Paris pointed the way forward. If not in Paris, then the struggle will begin again in another place with other people.
PAR From Z Review number one (1975)
20 years of organised anarchist, and related, activity in Haringey
I've been active in various local libertarian, class struggle and community groups and campaigns in Haringey, North London for about 20 years. This is my personal recollection and summary… it is just one view.
200,000 people live in Haringey, North London — the generally middle-class western side (Crouch End, Hornsey, Muswell Hill) and the generally working-class eastern side (Tottenham), with a very mixed centre (Wood Green) dominated by the commercial High Rd and its 'Shopping City' .In the predominately working-class areas there's a very high percentage of people from minority ethnic groups, mainly African and Caribbean, and Greek, Turkish and Kurdish.
100 years ago Tottenham's population mushroomed as new rail lines were built and industry expanded. Most factories (except maybe clothing) have closed down and employment is now mainly service and shop work, with the Council being the largest employer.
I haven't heard about local anarchist activity before the 70s, although there was: the so-called 'Tottenham Anarchist Outrage' in 1911 [Not carried out by anarchists]; Albert Meltzer, the founder of Black Flag grew up in Tottenham (where he went to the same synagogue as my dad); and there was an anarchist bookshop, Libertaria Books, in the area in the early 70s.
In the late 70s and early 80s local anti-nuclear power campaigners were very active, and there was a strong Haringey Women's Centre. The local labour movement was also strong, but dominated by the Communist Party. When I moved to Tottenham I was initially active in the Haringey and Islington Claimants Union — a libertarian group who'd been highly involved with claimants struggles since the late 1960s. A few of us set up the Tottenham Claimants Union (TCU) in 1983, at first meeting in someone's home, then in a newly set up, council funded Unemployed Workers Centre dominated by the Communist Party.
The TCU flourished, concentrating on empowering claimants to fight for their needs, exposing fraud squads, and making good links with local labour movement activists, the pensioners' action group and short-life housing co-ops. Women at the centre set up Haringey Unwaged Women's Group. Our high point was calling a 200-strong occupation of the Civic Centre to demand emergency payments during a DSS strike. We were also very active in the Federation of Claimants Unions and helped organise a few of their annual camps.
Some Haringey activists got heavily involved in the Stop 'The City' mass protests/carnivals in 1983-4. We decided to form the Haringey Community Action (HCA) anarchist collective, to support and encourage autonomous, radical local campaigns and groups — it also set up a pro-squatting group Homes For All. Some of us started an anarchist paper, The Free Tottenham Times.
During the 1983-4 miners' strike both HCA and TCU got involved in support, with TCU members putting strikers up in their homes. In 1985, TCU's active support for the Wapping printworkers was the last straw for the local Communist Party who decided to try to suppress our ideas, example and influence, producing a hilarious local scandal sheet attacking us. All to no avail — the CP itself collapsed soon after following the overthrow/demise of the Soviet and eastern European Communist regimes. The Socialist Workers Party are now by far the most dominant Left party in Haringey.
In 1985, following some years of black people's self-organisation and anger at injustice, there was the local Broadwater Farm anti-police uprising — the resulting defence campaign has since inspired a number of other local campaigns against police brutality and racism. There were also battles that year between police and anti-fascists when anti-fascists attacked a National Front meeting in Tottenham.
HCA ground to a halt in the late 80s, but libertarian activists in the west and central parts of the borough were involved in renewed anti-nuclear campaigning and strike support. TCU and the Unwaged Women's Group decided we'd had enough of the way the Unemployed Workers Centre was run, and set up our own Unwaged Centre (which we kept open daily for over 5 years).
Then came the poll tax — a huge turning point. Through our contacts with Claimants Unions in Scotland (where the tax was first brought in) we in TCU thought it could be beaten. In 1988 Tottenham Against the Poll Tax (TAPT) was set up — one of the first such groups in England — and soon after, libertarian activists elsewhere in the borough were the key to the setting up of Hornsey & Wood Green APT, followed by Green Lanes APT. These three groups were the basis of a Haringey-wide mass non-payment campaign (HAPTU) involving the distribution of hundreds of thousands of leaflets, 500 street reps and up to 20 independent neighbourhood groups. As a strong and active organisation we helped set up London-wide and national anti-poll tax networks and federations, including the Trafalgar Square Defendants' Campaign after the poll tax riot.
As the campaign drew to a close in the early 90s, all 3 main groups decided to build on what was achieved and to transform themselves into local general solidarity organisations. After a year or two, the three groups merged into Haringey Solidarity Group which continues today.
HSG has been involved in a wide range of issues, campaigns and initiatives — including support for community struggles, anti-police brutality groups (in particular the Delroy Lindo campaign), strikes (including support for a bitter local strike by Turkish factory workers), unwaged claimants issues (including Job Seekers Allowance and housing benefits), and opposing privatisation or anti-social regeneration and development projects. All the while we have run a small office, done monthly info/minutes mailouts to about 140 local people, held discussions and produced a number of leaflets and for many years a free local door-to-door news-sheet. HSG has always tried to encourage other people around London to form community-based local solidarity organisations, taking an active part in helping organise national networks and events, doing an annual mailout to other groups — and helping produce The Agitator directory of anti-authoritarian groups countrywide (now up on our website). Numbers have fluctuated, with up to 20-30 people regularly attending meetings a few years back. There's currently about 8-15 people actively involved. I myself have recently got stuck in again after being slightly side-tracked for about 6 years by the McLibel case. I helped produce a new set of HSG stickers, and I have argued at great length for activists to set up neighbourhood based residents' groups throughout the borough, such as the one going so well on my estate.
The group's politics has been flexible and there is often debate and sometimes controversy — but in general we have promoted libertarian/anarchist ideas, activities and collective forms of decision-making, and grass roots working-class solidarity and struggles. Apart from some Turkish comrades, there have been very few black and ethnic minority people in the group. Men are always well in the majority at meetings, and women in the group have set up their own HSG Women's Group. There are few parents involved. These are major challenges to us if we want to involve more people, have real influence, and overcome marginalisation.
Other recent dilemmas have included: agonising over the excellent 1998 Reclaim The Streets mass party which took over Tottenham High Rd but with unfortunately no prior involvement with local activists or residents; how community and class issues intermix; whether to set up our own local workers network, ...and continually asking why aren't we achieving so much more when there's so much fucking potential out there?! Many of these questions affect any and every anarchist group. If we are going to become a popular mass anti-authoritarian movement then we need to see similar locally-based solidarity groups everywhere, sharing ideas and experiences and thereby developing successful strategies for long term community resistance and real alternatives. I want to see an independent residents' group in every street, a solidarity group in every workplace, and an anti-authoritarian/anti-capitalist organisation in every borough and town.
Dave Morris
Contact HSG, PO Box 2474, N8 http://hsg.cupboard.org. We have produced pamphlets on the local anti-poll tax campaign, and on a local support campaign for a strike. Stickers and various leaflets are available.
Editorial
Usually the pieces reprinted in the KSL bulletin speak for themselves. However, these are strange times; whereas before people were saying that the 21st century began with the anti-WTO protests in Seattle, our rulers and the press would doubtless declare that the real century began with the World Trade Centre and Pentagon attacks of the 11th of September. The two events and their significance stand in stark contrast: are we facing a conflict between exploitation and liberation or a war to maintain 'business as usual'?
First, we have a retrospective on the events of May 1968. Some might claim that the riot-protests in Seattle or Prague were the 'May 68s' of a generation — and they may be right — but it's worth looking at 1968 again. Revolutions are not primarily about broken windows or barricades — or even the numbers you can mobilise. Revolution is about changing the way society is organised (as if you need telling!) and streetfighting is not the only way the power of authority and exploitation can be challenged.
We also have a review of Pietro Valpreda's prison memoirs. You'll have a job getting hold of the book now, since it's nearly thirty years since it was published, but the review stresses a couple of important points: the importance of solidarity and the way in which — even in the worst of conditions — human dignity can survive in the spirit of resistance.
We also have a piece on the history of activism in one particular area of London. Anyone who lives may know most of this already, but it does show what can be achieved with a local focus.
Finally, you'll notice that there's a section of new KSL publications; as well as goodies from other publishers we've acquired. But more about them in Books & More.
Pinelli, Valpreda & state terror
On 12 December 1969 a bomb exploded at a bank in Milan: many people were killed. The press and police blamed it on anarchists, whereas it was actually part of a policy by the Italian state, involving infiltration of the anarchists and the use of fascist terrorists to justify an authoritarian takeover.
During the 'investigation' Pinelli was murdered by the police: despite the revelation of the plot Valpreda had to wait many years to be cleared at trial. More details can be found in Stuart Christie's Stefano delle Chiaie (available from AK Press).
Valpreda Papers: The prison diaries of Pietro Valpreda, Gollancz, 1975
The publication of The Valpreda Papers is a major event notwithstanding the ill-informed introduction by Gaia Servadio, a journalist who has obviously not even read the book - imagining, for instance, that the Anarchist Movement in Italy was destroyed by the Fascists and then it was revived in 1968… in Carrara!
Valpreda was suddenly and without reason involved in 1969 in a major trial that shook Italy. The neo-Fascist movement (with its police ramifications) had tried to pull off a threefold coup — to smash the Anarchist movement, to spread terror in the heart of the working class, and to show the need for a law-and-order party. The reasons for attacking the Anarchist movement were because it was not involved in party politics as was the Communist Party and had therefore no "friends in high places"; the press had for years built up a "notoriety" tag; a blow at the libertarian movement would be damaging to the "Left" generally without involving State politics; and finally, it was thought the Anarchist movement would be isolated as Valpreda himself indeed was.
To some extent this may have boomeranged against the Fascists — but because of it the Italian State has kept Valpreda a prisoner for six years and totally ruined his life, rather than admit his innocence and the whole frame-up. The plot failed. But the State is stuck with its trial.
The book does not give the full story of the Milan bomb placed by the Fascists. Valpreda knew nothing about it then. He only knew he was picked up one day and blamed. The reason for his selection was not even mistaken identity, some element of which existed in the Dreyfus and Sacco and Vanzetti cases, later reinforced by prejudice. He was picked out deliberately because he was a member of a situationist-type group that could be [more] easily infiltrated by hostile elements than a working-class anarchist group — especially on a localised basis as they are in Italy. He was a dancer and it was thought he would have no working class solidarity to back him up. He was picked out and built up as the victim by the Fascists who committed the bomb attack in Milan against people visiting a co-operative bank. A few of the perpetrators — long after, and after great pressure — are now on trial. But their victim Valpreda has been — after touch and go as to acquittal on the score of justice — kept back to be tried along with them — rather than the State admit it lent itself to a gross injustice and a massacre.
By giving Valpreda's own thought day after day, month after month, as his long calvary dragged on, the diaries in a way give a deeper insight to the case than some of the straight documentaries have done, even though it does not relate the story. (Nothing excelled the two Swedish T.V. films on Pinelli and Valpreda which were shown in Britain in 1974).
Valpreda has been the subject of great calumny even by so-called libertarians who did their best to wash their hands of him once they heard of his problems — the suggestion that he was not really an anarchist at all (which the police seized on when it was discovered that the Anarchists could not be blamed at all for the Milan bomb, and an ideal solution for them would have been "fascist plot" - "anarchist catspaw", or even madman 'who thought he was an anarchist, disowned by anarchists') .Nobody could doubt his anarchism who reads the book — and it is hardly his fault — indeed it is his great misfortune — that the press have built him up as an "anarchist leader" simply because they happen to know his name. Some in the movement even now, want to dissociate themselves from Valpreda because he disagrees with them on one or two points — he not unnaturally welcomes politicians taking an interest in his case, for instance. How ossified organisations love to disclaim!
Valpreda does not answer his deprecators, and reserves his attacks for the class enemy. There is an essential dignity in his whole bearing that adds immeasurably to the sustained tragedy of lets story. Faced with the vicious liars and male whores of the Italian press, whose barbs, innuendoes and downright lies while he has been defenceless in prison recall the barbarities of the pillory, he has retained that dignity.
His observations from inside prison are acute and perceptive and throw a searing light on Italy today. It has been Valpreda's unsought-for-fate that he has become in life a symbol of the struggle, linked with Pinelli in death. PINELLI ASSASSINATED — VALPREDA INNOCENT — CALABRESI MURDERER! Has been shouted, painted and sung throughout the country. Calabresi has met rough justice (or perhaps he was disposed of by those who feared it). But Valpreda goes on living. In life he records the prison scene in Italy — where the imprisoned rot on for years, and guilt or innocence is an irrelevance. He speaks simply but movingly of the class struggle and the great debate on socialism and liberty as it comes through to him in his cell.
In the face of personal tragedy, despair, the demoralisation that prison is intended to produce, Valpreda has gone on fighting. He has utilised his status as anarchist prisoner not to demand privileges for himself as a "political offender" but to hammer home the message of freedom not only to other prisoners but to the world. His position was not of his choice. He was tied to the stake and had to face the torture … His choice was only whether to submit to the torture miserably or to assert not just his innocence but his faith. In choosing the latter he will be remembered, if social justice prevails, when the names of his hypocritical accusers — in Vanzetti's words — only recall that accursed past when man was wolf to man.
Internationalist From Cienfuegos Press Review 1, 1976.
Books now available
Not only are there two new KSL publications; but also goodies from other publishers that we've acquired and some classics back in print. The more we sell the easier it'll be for us to bring you other interesting things. If you can't afford all of them at once, why not try and get your library to order them? Our catalogue has all the info to prove that these books exist (ISBNs etc) — and we need the space: so please Keep Pushing!
NEW: Anselme Bellegarrigue
(The world's first) Anarchist Manifesto
The first Anarchist manifesto, written in 1850, declares "Anarchy is order, whereas government is civil war" and argues — with language as sharp even now as any — against the delusion that voting does any good for anyone but politicians and puts the case that the established power structure is a gigantic crime against humanity.
Every individual who, in the current state of affairs, drops a paper into the ballot box to choose a legislative authority or a executive authority is — perhaps not wittingly but at least out of ignorance, maybe not directly, but at least indirectly — a bad citizen. I repeat what I have been saying and take back not a single syllable of it.
An introduction by Sharif Gemie places Bellegarrigue in his social and political context of the struggles for emancipation following on from the French revolution.
All men have been revolutionaries until they joined the government; but all men too, once they have become part of it, have suffocated the revolution.
Kate Sharpley Library, 2002. 42 p, 21 cm. 1-873605-82-X. pamphlet
£5 (or £2 to individuals)
NEW: David Nicoll
Stanley's Exploits, or, Civilising Africa.
David Nicoll was an anarchist militant, active in Sheffield and London, who was never afraid to give the powerful the sharp side of his tongue. Here he berates Stanley and his cheerleaders in the press who thought that massacring Africans in the cause of 'civilising' them was a price worth paying! Good sharp anti-colonialist diatribe:
'... it may seem that the beautiful land of Uganda will not be greatly improved by being turned into a manufacturing district after the model of our Black Country. Nor will its "remarkable people" achieve a higher sense of the blessings of civilised life after labouring for twelve or fourteen hours a day amid "the roar of manufactories and foundries," by going home to a dark, close den in some filthy, reeking slum, to watch the way in which their thin starved children are degenerating through starvation, dirt, and disease, into puny, miserable abortions of a once vigorous and happy race. The "many picturesque bays, margined by water-lilies and lotus plants, or by the green walls of the slender, reed-like papyrus," will lose somewhat of their charm when they have a chemical factory on their shores vomiting sweltering smoke, and pouring forth a green poisonous stream into the placid waters of the lake. Nor will those happy people of Uganda, who trudge under heavy burdens to "the dark hulls of trading vessels" have much cause to bless Mr. Stanley as they writhe beneath the whips of his successors, even though they may receive weekly the high wage of the casual London docker. It is even possible that, the inhabitant of the "happy village" on the "gentle hill" may not greatly rejoice when "from the spired church the bells sound the call to a gospel service," when he remembers that he is starving upon a wretched wage, and that though there are "waving fields of grain" in the valleys, and the land is "smiling with affluence and plenty," yet the affluence and plenty is not for him but for his hard taskmasters, those newly-imported pests, the European pests, the European landlord and capitalist. It may be profane, but we cannot help thinking that he may be inclined to say "damn the gospel service!"'
KSL, 2001. 17p, 21 cm. 1873605978 £5 (or £1.50 to individuals)
Back in print
David Nicoll
The Walsall Anarchists (1-873605-40-4, 27 p. ) and
Life in English prisons (one hundred years ago)
(1-873605-15-3, 24 p.) £1 each
two great pamphlets exposing the police frame-up of anarchists in the West Midlands in the 1890s.
Tom Brown Tom Brown's Syndicalism
Important book with some of Brown's great essays and pamphlets including: 'The British General Strike 1926', 'What's wrong with the unions' and 'principles of Syndicalism'.
Phoenix Press, 1990. 0-948984-16-3. pb book. £3.95
More Tom Brown
The KSL pamphlet British syndicalism: pages of labour history by Tom Brown is also back in print. It contains a series of articles on workplace struggles. Even people who can stay well-fed on oxygen and so have no need to worry about old fashion subjects like work, unions and strikes can learn something, if only how to write brilliantly!
26 pages ISBN 1-873605-70-6 £1
Fredy Perlman
Anything Can Happen
Nine of Perlman's most important shorter writings including 'The continuing appeal of nationalism', 'Anti-Semitism and the Beirut pogrom' and 'The reproduction of daily life'.
Phoenix Press, 1992. 126p, 22 cm. 0-948984-22-8. Paperback £4.50
NEW: Various
On fire: the battle of Genoa and the anti-capitalist movement
Not just 'Hey I was on TV' accounts, but good analysis of events, the black block, and discussion of tactics. If you've not got a copy yet: do yourself a favour and get one
One off press, 2001. 141p, 21 cm. 1-902593-54-5. Paperback £3
The End of 'The End...?'?
We have managed to acquire a handful of copies of Luigi Galleani's The End of Anarchism? as published by Cienfuegos Press in 1982. This is the only work by Galleani available in English, and represents 'his most organic theoretical work'.
83p., 0-904564-55-2 £5
Money
Comrades with any notes from "the eurozone" — the western Europe excepting the UK, parts of Scandinavia and Switzerland — should remember these notes are going to be extinct soon. Send them to us and we can cash them in (if they reach us soon!) to support our work..
We would like to assure readers that we're just as happy to take English money, and would like to thank those who've set up standing orders: every little helps.
Books and Money
We're used to seeing classic works — like Miguel Garcia's Story — that are available from us being sold second-hand for (relatively) big prices, but within less than a year of being published Bash the Fash has been spotted for sale — second hand — at £10: five times what an individual can get it from us for! Can't deny that it's worth every penny but it makes you wonder…
Recently received
Anarchy and Cinema
Volume One. Melbourne 2001. Available from PO Box 145, Moreland, Victoria 3058 Australia
This A4 pamphlet builds on a number of previous examinations of Anarchism and film. It covers a wide range of stuff, from silent era parodies of anarchism, giving a run down on films dealing with anarchist and revolutionary history in Spain (obviously) but also the US, Argentina, Mexico and Russia. Vigo, the great surrealist filmmaker gets a look in as do a number of films which score low on the 'ooh look, a quote from Bakunin'-meter or don't have explicitly anarchist characters or plots but which deal with (encourage?) social change outside the usual 'follow the Party' line; which is as it should be!
Volume two will doubtless appear once those anarcho-film buffs get writing.
Underdog
"Walthamstow's monthly shit-stirring rag"
Walthamstow Anarchist Group
c/o Hornbeam Environmental Centre
458 Hoe Street, Walthamstow
E17 9AH • 07810 288 889
Wanted
'Minus One'
We have the following numbers
3 / 14 / 30 / 31 / 32 / 33 / 34 / 36 / 41 / 42 / 44
Any others would be great.
Recent enquiries
Appeal for help
I have a number of tapes that were recorded in interviews with Spanish anarchists who were members of the CNT-IWA. the comrades were held in a concentration camp near Chorley, Lancashire after the second world war. the interviews are in English, but the interviewees have strong Spanish accents, which have presented problems for transcribers who have worked with the material in the past
I would be interested to hear from anyone who wishes to help with further attempts at transcription, in particular anyone with experience of such a challenging task.
RM c/o Manchester Solidarity Federation
PO Box 29
SW PDO
Manchester M15 5HW
lifted from Direct Action, paper of the Solidarity Federation
Credit
This issue of KSL: Bulletin of the Kate Sharpley Library brought to you by the KSL collective in January 2002.
subscription rates are:
UK - £3 Overseas - £6 Institutions - £20
Sorry for the small type, but we try and pack the goodies in. If you don't write and complain we'll never know you don't like it.
KSL, BM Hurricane, London, WC1N 3XX
KSL, PMB 820, 2425 Channing Way, Berkeley CA 94704, USA
Kate Sharpley Library
•
KSL Introduction
KSL FAQ
•
KSL Bulletin Archive
•
KSL Publications
Online Documents
• Contact the KSL
•
Links
The url for the page you are viewing is http://www.katesharpleylibrary.net/bulletin/issues/kslb29.htm